Melbourne Asia Review is an initiative of the Asia Institute. Any inquiries about Melbourne Asia Review should be directed to the Managing Editor, Cathy Harper.
Edition 9, 2022
The power politics of the Asia Pacific in and after COVID-19.
Pyongyang is a regional irritant and international outlaw government, but it hasn't become more aggressive since becoming a de facto nuclear weapons state.
India has strengthened ties with most of its South Asian neighbours, the US and Russia, while at the same time participating in security groupings with China.
How relevant is ASEAN's brand of inclusive multilateralism amid the growth of minilateral and non-ASEAN-centred arrangements such as AUKUS?
The war in Ukraine invites us to consider the prospects for conflict in Australia’s region.
INTERVIEW: Women play a key role in preventing geopolitical conflict and the success of peacekeeping initiatives
The lives of civilians, particularly women, are often overlooked in relation to the impact of geopolitical competition.
Feminist foreign policy is an approach which places gender equality as the central goal of foreign policy, in recognition that gender equality is a predictor of peaceful and flourishing societies.
Edition 9, 2022
The power politics of the Indo-Pacific in and after COVID-19.
If the Quad becomes a major component of Asia’s security architecture then it is likely to stoke competition between China and the US rather than damp it down.
Russian and Chinese-led regional security organisations are providing the bulk of governance and order in the absence of the US and its allies.
Fear, honour and interests: Cooperation, competition and contestation and Australia’s engagement in the Indo-Pacific
The combination of great power contestation, coupled with governance and environmental challenges points to the need for visionary management by Australia.
Jakarta seems to be playing a long game: keeping the great powers from outright conflict while reaping as many benefits as possible.
The relationship is currently at its lowest ebb since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1972, with scope for matters to further deteriorate.
Does the Ukraine conflict reinforce Medcalf’s argument or strengthen the position of those advocating accommodation with a ‘preeminent’ China?